Happiness Delivery

A Second April 19 Revolution

Seeing how the vote shares by region in this June 3 local election matched up astonishingly well with the projected results for South Korea’s local elections posted by a Chinese person on social media in May, it felt as though South Korea was witnessing the end of its electoral sovereignty. Furthermore, in order to match the highly inflated early voting rate (23.51%) and the artificially low main voting rate (37.49%), the National Election Commission printed and distributed invalid ballots featuring only two candidates—Oh Se-hoon and Jeong Won-oh—rather than the six candidates running for Seoul Mayor. —specifically, invalid ballots—and distributed them through the National Election Commission. However, when the actual turnout proved too high and the ballots ran out early, they refused to distribute the remaining valid ballots—even though there were plenty left—in an attempt to prevent the turnout from exceeding projections. Instead, they were caught burning the surplus ballots in a remote mountain area.



As a result, ballot shortages occurred at 50 locations nationwide, with a particularly severe shortage in Seoul’s Songpa District, leading to an unprecedented situation where citizens were unable to vote. Citizens whose right to vote had been denied gathered at the senior citizens’ center in Jamsil 7-dong’s Wooseong Apartments, where the official ballot boxes were stored, to block their removal. They chanted “election fraud” and demanded a re-election. What is astonishing is that survey results indicated that this sloppy method of electoral fraud was used not only in Seoul but also in Gyeonggi Province and Busan to create and cast invalid ballots.



As the situation spiraled out of control, the National Election Commission suddenly announced—contrary to exit polls—that candidate Oh Se-hoon had pulled off a comeback, while candidate Jeong Won-oh hastily conceded defeat in an attempt to appease public sentiment. However, vigilant citizens already knew this was a “fixed game.” In particular, Mayor Oh Se-hoon was an opportunist who supported President Yoon Suk-yeol’s impeachment last year and refused to acknowledge election fraud, yet seized the opportunity when the situation turned in his favor. It was obvious that he would demand the dissolution of the National Election Commission and the reform of the electoral system, calling for a complete shift to blockchain-based digital elections, and many people knew that he, too, was a pro-China elite globalist. Furthermore, although People Power Party leader Jang Dong-hyuk and several other party lawmakers visited the Jamsil Woosung Apartments to put on a political show promising to dissolve the National Election Commission, it seemed no one believed a word of it. This is because they have always betrayed public sentiment at critical moments, returning to their positions to protect their fellow politicians—and this time would be no different.



This incident began with hundreds of citizens gathering at the Jamsil Woosung Apartments, and as many patriotic citizens blocked the removal of the original ballot boxes, evidence of election fraud became known to the entire nation. Through a mature silent protest that minimized disruption to the apartment residents—who also cooperated—and thanks to the efforts and sacrifices of mature volunteers who sent food and water from across the country and distributed them voluntarily, the freedom of the Republic of Korea was being revived. What is even more astonishing is that the core group consisted mostly of young people who, despite it being a weekday, put everything else aside and held their ground until the very end, preventing the fake police task force from seizing the ballot boxes. I, too, wanted to get up at dawn, travel from Incheon to Jamsil, and join the protest, but due to overlapping company project deadlines and weekend church commitments, I had no choice but to swallow my frustration and spend my time practicing archery and writing.



Coincidentally, my company was conducting a pilot test of a survey system using AI agents, and the survey’s content was a poll on approval ratings for the current administration’s governance. At the client’s request, we had intentionally adjusted the date to June 5 to avoid influencing the local elections, but unexpectedly, we ended up conducting telephone surveys with thousands of people at the most critical moment. It felt as though thousands of arrows had been fired from the rear onto the battlefield, and I was strongly struck by the thought that this might also have been part of God’s plan. Ultimately, asking thousands of citizens, “Do you think the current Lee Jae-myung administration is managing state affairs well?” had an effect similar to asking, “Do you think this local election was conducted properly?” Furthermore, while we were investigating technical issues because the call response rate and survey completion rate were much lower than expected, it seemed that this might actually be a true reflection of public sentiment regarding this situation.



It was infuriating to have the ballot boxes taken away, but since we couldn’t open them without the Election Commission’s permission even if we had guarded them until the very end, we ultimately had no choice but to let them take them. However, the vote count results—which showed Candidate Oh Se-hoon with over 80% of the vote, a figure completely at odds with the exit polls—served as a crucial turning point. It allowed the entire nation to witness this data and drew widespread public attention to the allegations of election fraud, marking yet another moment of victory for the citizens. This spark ignited a movement that very day at Jamsil Olympic Park, where more people gathered to chant for a “re-election,” creating a historic event. As not only Hwang Kyo-ahn, the leader of the Freedom and Innovation Party, but also the election fraud investigation team visiting from the U.S. and political influencers from home and abroad continued to gather, a second April 19 Revolution was beginning in Jamsil. That is why I sang the national anthem at the church sports day yesterday, and today I woke up at dawn to pray that the 3.5% of Christians in South Korea would awaken and reclaim this nation’s freedom, starting my Sunday with vigor.

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